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Major U.S. Firms Quietly Funnel Darkish Cash To Politically Active Nonprofits

The U.S. Supreme Court’s Residents United v. Federal Election Fee ruling in 2010 didn’t, as some warned, unleash a flood of company money instantly into elections.

However since then, scores of blue-chip U.S. corporations quietly bankrolled politically active nonprofits to the tune of no less than $185 million in roughly a single year, in keeping with a brand new Center for Public Integrity investigation.

Ranking among the largest donors are power big Exelon Corp. well being insurer WellPoint Inc. and technology titan Microsoft Corp.

The tens of millions of dollars in corporate expenditures highlighted by the middle for Public Integrity’s research flowed to more than 1,000 politically energetic nonprofits, from major commerce associations such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce to professional-enterprise alliances such because the Repair the Debt Coalition.

Many such trade associations and so-called “social welfare” teams have launched a tsunami of political advertisements for the reason that Citizens United decision.S. tax code want not publicly disclose the sources of their funding — not like candidates, political parties and super PACs.

The center for Public Integrity illuminated the circulation of cash by combing by way of voluntary disclosures filed by the 300 largest public corporations in the United States, as ranked by Fortune journal, most of which covered calendar 12 months 2012.

Search our interactive database: Follow the company money to nonprofits
Shadowy spending has targeted elections at all levels, from the White House to Congress to state party committees. The extent of financial involvement from main corporations has been unclear, as there was solely a scant paper path to look at.

In accordance with the center for Public Integrity’s seven-month analysis, roughly 84 p.c of the $185 million in self-reported funds flowed to commerce associations, together with main political gamers like the Chamber, America’s Medical insurance Plans and the American Petroleum Institute.

In the meantime, about 13 percent went to social welfare nonprofits such as the Democratic-aligned Third Means suppose tank and the Republican Fundamental Road Partnership.

And about three % was doled out to other entities such because the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, the Nationwide Conference of State Legislators, the Heritage Foundation and the American Legislative Change Council.

The evaluation discovered that roughly one-third of the Fortune 300 firms voluntarily disclosed dues funds, grants or contributions to trade associations and other politically engaged nonprofits. Dozens of other massive corporations, in the meantime, reported affiliations with such groups with out stepping into the monetary details.

Among the nation’s largest companies — including Wal-Mart Shops Inc. ExxonMobil Corp. and AT&T Inc. — do not voluntarily disclose their political spending.

However what voluntary transparency does exist heartens disclosure supporters.
“Companies increasingly see disclosure nearly as good governance,” mentioned Bruce Freed, the president of the middle for Political Accountability, which advocates for higher corporate self-reporting and each year grades major U.S. companies on their policies and practices.

“There is a premium on transparency,” Freed continued. “Openness on this is of their self-curiosity.”

Chamber backers revealed
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a vocal opponent of more strong corporate disclosure, was probably the most continuously identified beneficiary of this money, in accordance with the center for Public Integrity’s research.

The Chamber received funds from at least 62 of the nation’s largest 300 companies, totaling practically $11 million, in keeping with the voluntary disclosures. The Chamber doesn’t itself reveal its members or their financial contributions, though it does name the business executives who sit on its senior management committee and board of directors.

In 2012, the Chamber reported spending greater than $32 million on political ads to the Federal Election Commission, most of which urged viewers to vote against congressional Democrats.

Such overt political engagement has continued this election cycle.
In recent months, the Chamber has released a flurry of ads praising Republicans in Congress, starting from Senate Minority Chief Mitch McConnell of Kentucky to Rep. Mike Simpson of Idaho, a veteran lawmaker who has been targeted for defeat by conservative groups such because the Club for Progress, which accuses him of being a “liberal Republican.”

The Chamber can be Washington’s king of the affect sport, having spent greater than $one hundred million in 2012 lobbying on points ranging from monetary regulations to healthcare to immigration reform.

Lately, it has additionally labored hard to defeat the DISCLOSE Act — legislation superior by Democrats to require politically lively nonprofits to reveal extra information about their funders.

With many activists, lawmakers and regulators clamoring for increased scrutiny of political spending by social welfare nonprofits, commerce associations like the Chamber could play even bigger roles in terms of darkish cash spending in the 2014 and 2016 elections.

The $11 million in disclosed contributions are a mere sliver of the Chamber’s $188 million in complete 2012 receipts.
The top self-reporting donors to the Chamber in 2012 are: Dow Chemical Co. ($2.9 million), Chevron Corp. ($1 million), Merck & Co. Inc. ($907,500), American Electric Power Co. Inc. ($525,000) and 3M Co. ($515,500).

Yet corporations probably natural gas price graph gave a lot more than was able to be counted. Several companies reported only what portion of their dues funds had been used for lobbying and political actions, not their total contributions.

Many additionally offered data provided that the spending exceeded a minimal threshold, corresponding to “at least $50,000.” Since the disclosures are voluntary, there is no such thing as a reporting standard, federal or otherwise, by which they must abide.

Moreover, 12 firms — together with Best Buy Co. Inc. Delta Air Lines Inc. and Google Inc. — didn’t even disclose a variety, just that they’re affiliated with the Chamber.

In all, the center for Public Integrity recognized greater than two dozen politically active nonprofits that obtained no less than $1 million from company donors.

One other was the Chamber’s Institute for Authorized Reform, which touts itself as a “highly aggressive” power to enhance “the lawsuit climate in America and around the globe.” It received $1.6 million from five companies, in accordance with the center for Public Integrity’s analysis.

These donors have been Prudential Financial Inc. ($800,000), insurer Chubb Corp. (not less than $375,000), MetLife Inc. (at least $250,000), the Hartford Monetary Providers Group Inc. (at the least $75,000) and Deere & Co. (at least $50,000).

Chamber spokeswoman Blair Latoff Holmes stated “labor unions, shareholder activists and anti-business policymakers have long sought to drive the voice of the business group out of the political course of.”

She continued: “Activists need additional disclosure of political spending to allow them to goal the companies for harassment and boycotts.”

Exelon corporate coffers tapped
Most of the Chamber’s personal members do assist enhanced nonprofit contribution disclosure practices — regardless of the Chamber’s opposition.

One of those companies is Exelon Corp. the nation’s largest nuclear power plant operator, which contributed $250,000 to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in 2012, according to an organization document.

Exelon reported doling out $26 million in 2012 to roughly two dozen nonprofits organized beneath Sec.
The quantity is the biggest quantity voluntarily disclosed among any of the Fortune 300 companies reviewed.

Exelon’s complete revenue that year exceeded $23 billion, according to its annual report.
“Exelon intends to be a frontrunner in corporate governance, social accountability and corporate citizenship, and disclosure of political spending enhances our popularity for good governance and transparency,” mentioned firm spokesman Paul Adams.

In truth, the Chicago-based power big was one in every of just three Fortune 300 corporations that reported giving trade associations and different politically active nonprofits greater than $10 million.

The other two: health insurer WellPoint Inc. which reported giving $19 million to 15 trade associations over 2012 and 2013, and Microsoft Corp. which doled out $12.5 million to more than three dozen groups between July 1, 2011, and June 30, 2012 — its 2012 fiscal yr.

Exelon’s largest reported contribution was the $14.Four million that it gave to assist the Nuclear Energy Institute, the nuclear energy industry’s essential trade affiliation and an lively force on Capitol Hill, where it has advocated for the construction of new power plants and in opposition to new energy taxes.

This sum represented greater than a quarter of the Institute’s total receipts in 2012, in response to tax information.

The company also disclosed six-determine funds to two other trade groups, $6.9 million to the Edison Electric Institute and $1.2 million to the American Fuel Affiliation.

Adams stated Exelon’s financial assist of commerce associations that “share our broad interests” gives the company “a seat at the table on trade group political exercise,” adding that “we do not necessarily support every policy place taken by these organizations.”

He further noted that the Nuclear Vitality Institute dues are “based on the size of a member’s nuclear belongings.

Ahead of the 2012 presidential election, the American Power Alliance organized a 17-state bus tour and spent greater than $1 million on tv advertisements in Virginia and Ohio urging viewers to “stand with coal” and “vote no on Obama’s failing vitality coverage,” as the center for Public Integrity beforehand reported.

While Exelon’s primary energy investment is in nuclear energy, it also has owned and operated coal-fired energy plants. Adams stated Exelon contributed to the American Power Alliance as a result of it shared the company’s view that the wind production tax credit score “should be allowed to expire.”

The corporate additionally made more modest contributions in 2012 to social welfare groups such as the American Motion Network, whose chairman is former Sen. Norm Coleman, R-Minn. and the Hispanic Leadership Alliance, which was co-founded by George P. Bush, the son of former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush who’s currently working for Texas land commissioner.

Adams stated that Exelon’s traders “generally expect us to be engaged in political processes that affect our business” as a result of the company is “highly regulated” and “significantly affected” by state and federal policies.

What’s the worth of transparency
In recent years, companies across diverse industries have instituted extra strong disclosure requirements in terms of payments to trade associations and contributions to different politically lively organizations. Some even tout the marks they’ve obtained from the middle for Political Accountability.

“Transparency is all the time a precedence for us,” Pacific Gas & Electric Co. spokeswoman Katie Key mentioned.

Microsoft spokesman Dan Bross echoed that sentiment, noting that his firm discloses this info “because public belief in firms depends in massive part on the essential features of business character: integrity, values and transparency.”

“We imagine it’s good business observe,” Bross added. “Being clear about our involvement in these teams offers shareholders and clients insights about how our coverage work aligns with our enterprise objectives.”

And Randy Belote, vice president for strategic communications at protection contractor Northrop Grumman Corp. asserted that the company’s voluntary disclosure policy “aligns with our commitment to transparency and company accountability.”

Yet whereas the center for Political Accountability has documented an rising variety of firms adopting enhanced disclosure policies through the past decade, many firms have fought back towards shareholder resolutions urging extra transparency.

As an example, a gaggle of shareholders of ExxonMobil, the second-largest company within the United States, failed final year in their try and get the corporate to disclose its spending on “direct and oblique lobbying” — a phrase regularly utilized by shareholder activists to handle payments to trade associations and membership teams along with what must already be reported to Congress and state-degree regulators.

ExxonMobil’s board of administrators argued that “detailed disclosures concerning inside deliberations on public policy issues could possibly be competitively harmful and could be of questionable utility to shareholders.”

Equally, the board of directors of Verizon Communications Inc. argued in 2013 that a disclosure proposal “would present little or no value to shareholders whereas imposing significant administrative burdens on the company.”

Furthermore, three of the biggest trade trade teams in the country — the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Business Roundtable and the National Affiliation of Manufacturers — penned a letter final fall to business leaders urging them to reject new disclosure proposals.

“Corporations do not support elevated political and lobbying ‘disclosure,’” learn the letter, which was first reported by the middle for Public Integrity.

Such practices, the letter mentioned, are part of a “long-term effort by political activists to restrict the ability of firms to make their voices heard in the general public policy area.”

The letter was signed by U.S. Chamber of Commerce President and CEO Tom Donohue, Enterprise Roundtable President John Engler and Nationwide Affiliation of Manufacturers President and CEO Jay Timmons.

Moreover, the center for Competitive Politics, which favors marketing campaign finance deregulation, final yr launched an internet site referred to as

It says it provides “the truth about corporate political spending issues” and argues that the final word objective of robust disclosure rules is “to remove firms from the policy taking part in area altogether.”

Why the secrecy
Businesses have an incentive to keep their political donations secret — regardless of the opining by Supreme Courtroom Justice Anthony Kennedy within the Citizens United majority opinion that prompt disclosure of corporate expenditures may very well be a reality “with the appearance of the Web.”

“Corporations fear about alienating their customers,” mentioned Rick Hasen, an election legislation professor at the University of California, Irvine. “When prospects can associate a store or firm with a selected political position, they could also be less likely to shop there if they disagree with that position.”

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For instance, the Fix the Debt Coalition requires dramatic reforms to Social Safety, Medicare, Medicaid and the U.S. tax code — positions that could be objectionable to some segments of the inhabitants.

The social welfare nonprofit was founded in 2012 by former Republican Sen. Alan Simpson of Wyoming and North Carolina Democrat Erskine Bowles, who served in the Clinton administration. Scores of business executives serve on its “CEO steering committee,” “CEO Council” and “Business Leaders Council.”

During its initial yr, the Repair the Debt Coalition raised more than $11 million, and its donors embrace rail firm CSX Corp. and expertise firm EMC Corp. which each gave the nonprofit $1 million in 2012, in accordance with data on the companies’ websites.

JPMorgan Chase & Co. and Norfolk Southern Corp. are additionally donors, giving $500,000 and $400,000, respectively, in 2012.
So is Allstate Corp. though the insurer didn’t disclose the precise quantity of its contribution.

Throughout the first nine months of 2013, the Repair the Debt Coalition reported spending $620,000 on federal lobbying to fix “U.S. long-time period debt and deficits.”

Maya MacGuineas, president of the Repair the Debt Coalition, stated that while the “bulk” of the group’s funding comes from businesses, donors get “zilch” in return.

Donors are “not getting anything directly out of this,” she stated. “We don’t ask them for enter.”

Getting the nation’s debt on a downward path, MacGuineas added, is “really patriotic” and “a public curiosity problem.”

Additionally, Common Electric Co. and Qualcomm Inc. every reported giving $1 million in 2012 to the Committee for a Accountable Federal Budget, the Repair the Debt Coalition’s dad or mum group.

Another company-funded nonprofit whose donors may face backlash from shoppers is the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity, an business-backed trade group that promotes using coal. It’s notably unpopular among environmentalists.

It raised $forty three million in 2012, in keeping with an annual tax filing.
Voluntary corporate disclosures present that a number of energy and transportation companies in the Fortune 300 are among its funders, including Norfolk Southern ($835,000), American Electric Energy ($503,000), CSX ($242,000), Union Pacific Corp. ($242,000), and Southern Co. (a minimum of $50,000).

Help flows to suppose tanks, advocacy teams
Meanwhile, Third Manner — a centrist assume tank based in Washington, D.C. that counts a dozen Democratic members of Congress amongst its advisers — was additionally routinely talked about in company filings.

In accordance with the center for Public Integrity’s analysis, at the least 10 of the largest 300 public firms collectively gave Third Manner greater than $270,000 in 2012. They ranged from Hewlett-Packard Co. to Pacific Gasoline & Electric to Johnson & Johnson.

Two different firms — Minnesota-based mostly Target Corp. and Tennessee-based International Paper Co. — also both disclosed monetary help to Third Approach but declined to put dollar amounts on their help.

The social welfare nonprofit, which tax information present raised $9.Three million in 2012, has recently been caught in a heated debate after two of its officers urged Democrats to avoid “economic populism” in a Wall Road Journal op-ed.

The piece led Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass. to hearth off a letter to the most important banks in the nation asking them to reveal their contributions to assume tanks like Third Means, whose board of trustees includes many funding bankers.

Third Means spokesman Sean Gibbons has dismissed accusations that the nonprofit’s work was influenced by its funders.

“No one — not our donors, our political allies or our friends — tells us what to think, write or say,” he advised the new York Instances in December.

The Congressional Black Caucus Political Education and Leadership Institute was another Democratic-leaning nonprofit that accepted corporate money, in response to the center for Public Integrity’s analysis.

The social welfare nonprofit received $25,000 in 2012 from Entergy Corp. $20,000 from Pacific Gas & Electric, $10,000 from Intel Corp. and an unknown amount from Google.

Another was the BlueGreen Alliance Basis, a nonprofit organized as a charity underneath Sec. It received $25,000 from energy company Phillips sixty six.

On the Republican facet, seven firms in the analysis disclosed monetary ties to the Republican Essential Avenue Partnership, a professional-enterprise group led by former GOP Rep. Steve LaTourette of Ohio.

The Partnership has collected greater than $100,000 from Fortune 300 firms, together with at the least $15,000 from Hewlett-Packard, $15,000 from Intel and $25,000 from Pfizer Inc. during the 2011-2012 election cycle. The contributions from Hewlett-Packard and Intel both natural gas price graph got here in 2012.

The nonprofit, which tax information present raised $1.3 million in 2012, has actively promoted moderate Republican candidates since its formation within the early nineties amid the “Republican revolution” led by Newt Gingrich.

Last week, Yahoo News reported that the group would drop the word “Republican” from its identify and welcome moderate Democrats to join its ranks in 2014.

The American Legislative Alternate Council, a controversial think tank that permits state lawmakers, most of them Republicans, to work with companies to craft laws, was one other conservative-leaning beneficiary identified in corporate filings.

California-based mostly eBay Inc. paid ALEC $12,000 in 2012, whereas Google contributed an unspecified sum.
Moreover, some beneficiaries listed weren’t nonprofits, but restricted liability corporations, another legal construction that has been not too long ago gaining in recognition in some political corners.

Goal and Best Purchase, for instance, both disclosed monetary help — of unidentified quantities — to the Alliance of Wisconsin Retailers LLC in 2012, which backs priorities favorable to the businesses.

State documents present two men — Matt Phillips and Scott Stenger — are at the moment authorized to lobby on the Alliance’s behalf in Wisconsin, and the LLC’s legislative priorities have included advocating for a measure that requires online retailers to pay gross sales taxes.

‘Meant to be overwhelming’
Some company-funded nonprofits influence authorities even at local ranges.

Working example: Restoring Ohio Inc.
In 2012, this social welfare nonprofit that describes itself as supporting “free enterprise, restricted government, economic development and conventional values” launched an promoting campaign to oust Jonathan Binkley, a Republican committeeman representing Ohio’s 11th Senate District, in Toledo, on the state party’s sixty six-member central committee.

Such an election is often determined by probably the most passionate of the party’s major voters, not the general public.

Binkley supported the incumbent celebration chairman, Kevin DeWine, which put him at odds with Republican Gov. John Kasich, who wished someone else within the job.

The little-known Restoring Ohio, which has a mailing deal with in a suburb of Columbus, Ohio, lists its administrators as longtime Kasich associates, including Don Thibaut, a lobbyist who served as a prime aide to Kasich for almost 20 years.

When contacted by the middle for Public Integrity, Eric Lycan, the group’s legal counsel, declined to reply questions concerning the nonprofit’s contributors citing a need to “protect the privacy of its donors.”

When Restoring Ohio applied for tax-exempt standing, it told the internal Revenue Service that it supposed to solicit funds from each people and businesses, including “businesses in industries which might be closely impacted by authorities laws.”

It appears to have been successful. Corporate information show well being insurer Aetna Inc. for one, contributed $25,000 to the group.

Media stories at the time of Binkley’s race referred to as Restoring Ohio’s television ad blitz “unprecedented.”

An worker at WTVG, the local ABC affiliate, advised the center for Public Integrity that Restoring Ohio spent greater than $11,000 on ads.

“It was meant to be overwhelming,” stated Binkley, who ultimately was defeated, regardless of backing from the Ohio Republican Celebration.

He added that he isn’t comfortable concerning the Residents United ruling or the burst of exercise from a gaggle whose “name itself is a propaganda gimmick.”

The high court’s choice, Binkley mentioned, allowed “a gorilla into what must be a monkey battle.”

Julie Patel, Erin Quinn, Ben Wieder and Adam Wollner contributed to this report.
Correction: This story has been up to date to mirror the fact that none of the $32 million the U.S. Chamber of Commerce reported spending to the Federal Election Fee on commercials urged folks to vote towards President Barack Obama. However, throughout the 2012 election cycle, the Chamber also spent millions of dollars on ads that had been essential of Obama’s insurance policies, including his landmark well being care reform law, however none of those ads explicitly urged viewers to vote against the president.